The party that has been in power for the last six years and received 47 percent of the vote only eight months ago is on the verge of being closed down, and some of its members, including Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan (and constitutionally "immune" President Gül, too), would face the ultimate penalty of being excluded from politics for a considerable period of time.

I have no doubt now about the ending. The chief prosecutor of the Supreme Court of Appeals, in an ironically off-the-record interview for daily Referans, published before the Constitutional Court's decision, said very clearly that the AK Party would be closed down and at least 40 members would be banned from politics, all while I was still presuming that the Constitutional Court could refuse the indictment.

Everything seems to be going smoothly according to the chief prosecutor's expectations.

We, the Turks, have perfected the art of interventions in the political arena with almost every style of military coup in the book.

In 1960, for instance, middle-ranking officers picked a four star general as their leader and intervened in politics. They got rid of the democratically elected government, dissolved Parliament, set up a specially ordained tribunal for politicians and hanged three of them, including a prime minister.

In 1971 we had another army intervention, this time in the shape of an ultimatum which resulted in the government's dismissal. They acted according to military hierarchy, kept Parliament open and forced their own political agenda on the politicians.

In 1980 the army again stepped in, closed down Parliament, sent political leaders into exile, tried parties and disbanded them and took many intellectuals to prison. They also changed the Constitution, purged some academics from the universities and forbade women with headscarves in educational facilities as well as in the public sphere.

In 1997 another type of military intervention occurred. They used the National Security Council as a venue to force the government to adopt their instructions and compelled the prime minister to resign at the first opportunity. They gathered the support of some circles, including the judiciary, university lecturers and media by inviting them to their briefings on "fundamentalist threats."

In 2007, using new technology, the army issued an e-ultimatum on their Web site in which they announced their uneasiness about an attempt by the party in power to elect somebody from its ranks as the new president of the Turkish Republic. The government had no choice but to dissolve Parliament and call for early elections.

According to a diary kept by the chief of the navy at the time, two chiefs of general staff -- both four star generals -- were thinking of a military coup in 2004, and almost attempted twice to realize it, but since the chief of general staff, Gen. Hilmi Özkök, paid no heed to their desire, their attempts remained unsuccessful.

No other country in the world has our actual experience of military interventions even envisaged in their books.

We had an un-hierarchical coup of middle-ranking officers. We had an intervention in line with military hierarchy with a memorandum of high commanders. We had a direct army intervention to overhaul the political arena. We had a post-modern coup using force to get the government to step down. We had an army intervention with an e-ultimatum. Now we even have created a new style by using other state organs to achieve the same result, an intervention by proxy.

This is the story of my life too. When I became a teenager and aware of what was going on around me, my country experienced its first military coup. When I was finishing my university education, I was shaken by a second one. When I came to maturity, a third intervention occurred. After I started to make my presence known as a political commentator, the others came after one another. I have become unhappy and brokenhearted after every military intervention, but kept my hope that it would be the last one, until I experienced a new one which would affect my life once more.

History repeats itself often in Turkey.

In a public outburst inconceivable for an army commander, Gen. Memduh Tağmaç, the leader of 1971 military coup, said the people's political awareness had surpassed the people's economic awareness and that was the reason why a military coup had necessitated itself. I believe people have more political awareness now than ever.

I started off discussing the Constitutional Court's decision to accept the indictment of the chief prosecutor, and all of a sudden my pen swerved for no reason to write about military interventions.